Dr. Reed Kurtz
PhD in Political Science and Lecturer in Environmental Politics at Purdue University. Research and teaching interests include the politics of climate change and climate justice, state and civil society relations in world politics, and critical theories of capitalism and geopolitics.
Website: www.reedkurtz.com
Email: rmkurtz@purdue.edu
U.S. Election 2024
12. The campaigns’ pandemic memory hole (Prof Michael Serazio)
13. America’s kingdom of contempt (Prof Barry Richards)
14. Americanism, not globalism 2.0: Donald Trump and America’s role in the world (Prof Jason A. Edwards)
15. The politics of uncertainty: Mediated campaign narratives about Russia’s war on Ukraine (Dr Tetyana Lokot)
16. The U.S. elections and the future of European security: Continuity or disruption? (Dr Garret Martin)
17. Trump’s victory brings us closer to the new world disorder (Prof Roman Gerodimos)
18. Abortion: Less important to voters than anticipated (Dr Zoë Brigley Thompson)
19. Roe your vote? (Dr Lindsey Meeks)
20. Gender panics, far-right radicalization, and the effectiveness of anti-trans political ads (Dr Thomas J. Billard)
21. U.S. politics and planetary crisis in 2024 (Dr Reed Kurtz)
22. Trump and Musk for all mankind (Prof Einar Thorsen)
23. Guns and the 2024 election (Prof Robert J. Spitzer)
24. Echoes of Trump: Potential shifts in Congress’s communication culture (Dr Annelise Russell)
That planetary ecological and political conditions abound with contradictions may have been an understatement before the 2024 U.S. election, yet MAGA’s sweeping electoral victory makes this an empirical fact of extreme lethality. I proceed with a conjunctural analysis of what this means for climate justice at the turn of the first quarter of the 21stCentury.
2024 will be the hottest year recorded, set to eclipse last year’s records. In August, new temperature records were set for 13 consecutive months, culminating in the hottest month and day on record. 2024 will likely be “at least 1.55C hotter than pre-industrial times,” the first calendar year to breach the 1.5 degrees Celsius target set under a decade ago. This forecloses certain just climate futures, magnifying the urgency of climate mitigation and adaptation while further constraining our options for a livable future for billions of people. Following James Hansen, “under the present geopolitical approach to greenhouse gas emissions, global warming will exceed 1.5 degrees Celsius in the 2020s and 2 degrees Celsius before 2050.”
Geopolitically, the planet is significantly more fractured and dangerous than in 2016. If 2024 marks the end of the 1.5 degrees world from the physical science standpoint, then future historians may write 2022 as its signal date, marked by two devastating indicators: Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, marking this latest renewal of inter-imperialist rivalry; and the resurgence of emissions past pre-COVID levels, spurred by record coal consumption. Wars don’t run on renewables (yet), although Israel has demonstrated lethal capabilities of artificial intelligence – with its colossal emissions footprint – with its devastating attacks on North Gaza.
Regardless how much discontent over foreign policy may have figured in the electoral results, from a historical standpoint it might be apt for Palestine to figure in the terminal crisis of the (neo-)liberal “rules-based order”: if coal-fired British bombardments of Beirut and Akka marked the onset of the age of fossil empire, might this latest destruction portend its decline?
For the upcoming COP29 climate summit, despite record heights – like temperatures and the S&P 500 – of the stakes, expectations are low as ever. Azerbaijan marks the third consecutive autocracy presiding over negotiations, and like last year, leadership is using the opportunity to sell fossil fuels and jail dissidents. Unsurprising this “Finance COP” is awash in petrodollars, but it enables Azerbaijan to launder their reputation shortly after conducting an ethnic cleansing of their own.
That the dollar remains the world reserve currency ensures U.S. supremacy within the geo-political-economic order, for now. This unstable equilibrium persists largely because there is not yet a suitable alternative available, despite efforts to the contrary. And with the U.S. striving to maintain “as large a lead as possible” in developing technology to maintain asymmetry against their rivals, the continued flow of dollars for oil was assured even before this most recent triumph of “America First” and “Energy Dominance.”
MAGA’s capture of working-class support beyond the white Christian nationalist core may have less to do with their understanding or approval of Trump’s proposals, than Harris and Biden’s inability to alleviate economic concerns regarding cost of living and quality of life. Besides not promoting a U.S.-led green transition, one to revitalize rural America and guarantee livable working conditions, Democrats failed to sell their biggest economic and climate win: the Inflation Reduction Act. Hailed as the U.S.’s largest climate investment, neither Biden nor Harris could sell the “soft landing” to working class voters let alone make the case for fighting inflation by fighting climate change.
Americans will get neither if MAGA get their way, as tariffs will skyrocket prices while regulatory dismantling will expose workers and consumers to greater harms. Efforts to deport, even denaturalize, potentially tens of millions – including food producers, construction workers, and caregivers – will severely constrain basic goods and service provisions, compounding the human suffering and rights violations.
It is imperative to develop and implement strategy and tactics to respond immediately. Organizing communities and workplaces, while continuing to build and maintain nationwide and transnational networks, to inform and educate, provide mutual aid, and not just resist but create viable alternatives to the rising tide of fascism worldwide, is essential. There are also important steps the Biden Administration can take.
Beyond organizing across scale and at all sites of social reproduction, climate activists must be creative and resourceful, retaining what works, adapting to a new reality and pushing the limits of what is realizable. Internationally this may mean escalating demands for climate reparations, strengthening indigenous land rights, restricting fossil fuel lobbying and subsidies, supporting fossil fuel nonproliferation and geoengineering non-use, while picking up where the wave of climate strikes and emergency declarations left off before the pandemic.
Within movements against MAGA and fossil fascism, climate advocates must be strategic and selective as they confrontincreasingly hostile and violent opposition. Solidarity, mutual aid, and obstruction of mass deportation should provide one pathway, but there will be multiple. Movements must be assembled before widespread civil disobedience and direct action, up to and including a general strike, can take place, though recent history shows how quickly these can develop. Meanwhile, activists must become more capable of striking directly at the forces of fossil capital. The movement’s vision, ambition, and determination must match the scope, scale, and urgency of the crisis to chart a sustainable and just alternative beyond Climate Leviathan or Behemoth. “Ecosocialism or barbarism, there is no other way.”