Prof. Jason A. Edwards
Professor of Communication at Bridgewater State University. His research focuses on presidential rhetoric and American foreign policy. He is the author/editor of Navigating the Post Cold War World, The Rhetoric of American Exceptionalism, Saints, Sinners, and Symbols: The Rhetoric of Civil Religion, and The Rhetoric of Official Apologies. He has also published over 50 peer-reviewed articles and book chapters.
Twitter/X: @j3edwards
E-mail: j3edwards@bridgew.edu
U.S. Election 2024
12. The campaigns’ pandemic memory hole (Prof Michael Serazio)
13. America’s kingdom of contempt (Prof Barry Richards)
14. Americanism, not globalism 2.0: Donald Trump and America’s role in the world (Prof Jason A. Edwards)
15. The politics of uncertainty: Mediated campaign narratives about Russia’s war on Ukraine (Dr Tetyana Lokot)
16. The U.S. elections and the future of European security: Continuity or disruption? (Dr Garret Martin)
17. Trump’s victory brings us closer to the new world disorder (Prof Roman Gerodimos)
18. Abortion: Less important to voters than anticipated (Dr Zoë Brigley Thompson)
19. Roe your vote? (Dr Lindsey Meeks)
20. Gender panics, far-right radicalization, and the effectiveness of anti-trans political ads (Dr Thomas J. Billard)
21. U.S. politics and planetary crisis in 2024 (Dr Reed Kurtz)
22. Trump and Musk for all mankind (Prof Einar Thorsen)
23. Guns and the 2024 election (Prof Robert J. Spitzer)
24. Echoes of Trump: Potential shifts in Congress’s communication culture (Dr Annelise Russell)
In his first presidential run, Donald Trump famously declared his foreign policy would be governed by “Americanism, not globalism.” Trump fundamentally disagreed with the foreign policy consensus that had been built by Democratic and Republican presidents since the end of World War II. During his first presidency, Trump attempted to continue this theme. He was critical of international institutions such as the United Nations and NATO. He pulled the United States out of the Paris Climate Accords, Trans-Pacific Partnership, Iran nuclear agreement and other treaty obligations. He renegotiated the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), favored bilateral trade deals, and increased tariffs on Chinese imports. Trump attempted to undermine the liberal order consensus created by his predecessors. Given that backdrop, how will Trump position America’s role in the world for his second term? Based upon Trump’s campaign discourse and his previous term in office, I think it is safe to say that Trump will further ramp his “America First” foreign policy, particularly in several areas.
First, Trump’s campaign rhetoric continually emphasized his desire to increase tariffs on foreign imports. Trump’s aversion to free trade has been a foreign policy staple he has held for over 35 years. In his second presidential term, expect Trump to increase tariffs on significant amounts of imports. According to Trump, increasing tariffs is a key component of leveling the playing field of global trade for Americans. Under his logic, increasing tariffs will create more revenue for the American government, force some industries to reshore to the United States and start businesses domestically, and further de-link the United States from a global trade system that he asserts has been hard on Americans and American industries. Trump has even channeled himself to be akin to former President William McKinley who was a fervent advocate for large tariffs to fund government expenditures. Trump’s tariff increases are central to his foreign policy agenda.
Second, Trump will continue to be cautious toward American interventionism. The former president constantly points out that he was the only president since Jimmy Carter who didn’t start any American wars or put large elements of the United States military in dangerous situations. He called Kamala Harris and her supporters (e.g. former Republican Representative Liz Cheney) “war hawks” who sink American resources into follies abroad (e.g. Ukraine). Moreover, Trump has railed against the amounts of military aid that Ukraine has received from the U.S.; offered no definitive commitment to defend NATO nations if they came under attack; given a green light to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to do “what he must” in Gaza and Lebanon; and has wavered on America’s commitment to Taiwan, if they were attacked by China. In short, Trump views interventionism abroad as a losing game for the U.S. and he has no appetite for committing any major resources to any potential conflict areas unless it directly benefitted American interests.
Finally, a second Trump administration will continue his campaign to undermine the liberal international order. During his first term, Donald Trump criticized American foreign policy makers for giving too much power to international organizations like the United Nations, NATO, and the World Trade Organization (WTO). According to the president-elect, these organizations allowed unelected foreign bureaucrats to make decisions concerning U.S. policy, which undermined our sovereignty. For example, during each of his United Nations addresses, Trump consistently argued that the primary value in the international system was sovereignty. In my own research, I have argued that all previous presidents speaking at United Nations emphasized peace and freedom as the primary values of the global order. So what does Trump’s UN rhetoric tell us? It suggests that Trump places no value on the liberal international order. That he believes that order actually harms American interests more than it helps them. Trump’s actions during his presidency bear that out. As noted earlier, he withdrew from the Paris Climate Accords, the Iran Nuclear Agreement, the Trans Pacific Partnership, denigrated our NATO partners, and pledged to rip up and renegotiate all trade agreements. In word and deed, Trump curtailed U.S. multilateralism abroad. Expect his second administration to continue this admonishment of the global order with the ultimate goal of returning to a Westphalian global order that focuses on nation-states as the primary actors and international institutions and norms are minimal.
Ultimately, Trump’s second term will continue his policy of Americanism and curtailing global involvement. Trump’s foreign policy predilections may have grave consequences for the global order and U.S. foreign policy.