{"id":271,"date":"2020-11-14T16:19:55","date_gmt":"2020-11-14T16:19:55","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.electionanalysis.ws\/us\/?page_id=271"},"modified":"2020-11-14T16:19:57","modified_gmt":"2020-11-14T16:19:57","slug":"trumps-tribal-appeal-us-vs-them","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/www.electionanalysis.ws\/us\/president2020\/section-3-candidates-and-the-campaign\/trumps-tribal-appeal-us-vs-them\/","title":{"rendered":"Trump\u2019s tribal appeal: Us vs. Them"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<div class=\"wp-block-columns is-layout-flex wp-container-core-columns-is-layout-9d6595d7 wp-block-columns-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-column is-layout-flow wp-block-column-is-layout-flow\" style=\"flex-basis:25%\">\n<figure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\"><img data-recalc-dims=\"1\" loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"453\" height=\"453\" src=\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/www.electionanalysis.ws\/us\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2020\/11\/stephen_d._reese_-_Reese.png?resize=453%2C453&#038;ssl=1\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-272\" srcset=\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/www.electionanalysis.ws\/us\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2020\/11\/stephen_d._reese_-_Reese.png?w=453&amp;ssl=1 453w, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/www.electionanalysis.ws\/us\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2020\/11\/stephen_d._reese_-_Reese.png?resize=300%2C300&amp;ssl=1 300w, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/www.electionanalysis.ws\/us\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2020\/11\/stephen_d._reese_-_Reese.png?resize=150%2C150&amp;ssl=1 150w, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/www.electionanalysis.ws\/us\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2020\/11\/stephen_d._reese_-_Reese.png?resize=60%2C60&amp;ssl=1 60w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 453px) 100vw, 453px\" \/><\/figure>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"US203bio\"><strong>Prof Stephen D. Reese<\/strong><br><br>University of Texas at Austin. Reese is the Jesse H. Jones Professor of Journalismand Media, with a focus on press performance,the sociology of news, media framing of public issues, and the globalization of journalism.<br><br><em>Twitter: @sdreese<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<figure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\"><img data-recalc-dims=\"1\" loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"400\" height=\"308\" src=\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/www.electionanalysis.ws\/us\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2020\/11\/US20_divider_3_candidates.png?resize=400%2C308&#038;ssl=1\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-188\" srcset=\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/www.electionanalysis.ws\/us\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2020\/11\/US20_divider_3_candidates.png?w=400&amp;ssl=1 400w, https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/www.electionanalysis.ws\/us\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/2\/2020\/11\/US20_divider_3_candidates.png?resize=300%2C231&amp;ssl=1 300w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\" \/><\/figure>\n\n\n<h5 class=\"US203\"> Section 3: Candidates and the campaign<\/h5>\n<div class=\"page-list\"><ul class=\"list-group-item\"><li class=\"page_item page-item-245\"><a href=\"https:\/\/www.electionanalysis.ws\/us\/president2020\/section-3-candidates-and-the-campaign\/the-emotional-politics-of-2020-fear-and-loathing-in-the-united-states\/\">The emotional politics of 2020: fear and loathing in the United States<\/a><\/li>\n<li class=\"page_item page-item-248\"><a href=\"https:\/\/www.electionanalysis.ws\/us\/president2020\/section-3-candidates-and-the-campaign\/character-and-image-in-the-u-s-presidential-election-a-psychological-perspective\/\">Character and image in the U.S. presidential election: a psychological perspective<\/a><\/li>\n<li class=\"page_item page-item-251\"><a href=\"https:\/\/www.electionanalysis.ws\/us\/president2020\/section-3-candidates-and-the-campaign\/branding-and-its-limits\/\">Branding and its limits<\/a><\/li>\n<li class=\"page_item page-item-254\"><a href=\"https:\/\/www.electionanalysis.ws\/us\/president2020\/section-3-candidates-and-the-campaign\/celtic-connections-reading-the-roots-of-biden-and-trump\/\">Celtic connections: reading the roots of Biden and Trump<\/a><\/li>\n<li class=\"page_item page-item-258\"><a href=\"https:\/\/www.electionanalysis.ws\/us\/president2020\/section-3-candidates-and-the-campaign\/kamala-harris-bobby-jindal-and-the-construction-of-indian-american-identity-in-political-campaigns\/\">Kamala Harris, Bobby Jindal, and the construction of Indian American identity in political campaigns<\/a><\/li>\n<li class=\"page_item page-item-261\"><a href=\"https:\/\/www.electionanalysis.ws\/us\/president2020\/section-3-candidates-and-the-campaign\/stratagems-of-hate-decoding-donald-trumps-denigrating-rhetoric-in-the-2020-presidential-campaign\/\">Stratagems of hate: decoding Donald Trump\u2019s denigrating rhetoric in the 2020 presidential campaign<\/a><\/li>\n<li class=\"page_item page-item-265\"><a href=\"https:\/\/www.electionanalysis.ws\/us\/president2020\/section-3-candidates-and-the-campaign\/campaign-finance-and-the-2020-u-s-election\/\">Campaign finance and the 2020 U.S. election<\/a><\/li>\n<li class=\"page_item page-item-268\"><a href=\"https:\/\/www.electionanalysis.ws\/us\/president2020\/section-3-candidates-and-the-campaign\/the-emperor-had-no-clothes-after-all\/\">The emperor had no clothes, after all<\/a><\/li>\n<\/ul><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-column is-layout-flow wp-block-column-is-layout-flow\" style=\"flex-basis:75%\">\n<p>The narrow margin in the 2020 presidential election underscores a now-familiar question: how to explain the enduring and stable support for Donald Trump, even in the face of economic distress, scandals, and global pandemic? Part of the answer lies in how he has crafted his political appeal over the last four years, but with an institutional cost. As approached by political communication researchers, traditional issue framing contests involve partisans promoting policies that deserve political support in a deliberative arena, supported by political institutions and the journalistic routines that map onto them. But the press has been under attack, particularly during the last several years, and these contests are in disarray &#8211; resistant to conventional argumentation, freed from norms of restraint, and fed by a climate of weaponized misinformation. Trump has both helped create and exploit these conditions, while pursuing a strategy that hardened a remarkably stable base.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Reflecting on the 2016 election results, I argued in this report that Trump\u2019s Make America Great Again (MAGA) slogan-frame was a logical xenophobic extension of the foundation laid by former President George W. Bush\u2019s Global War on Terror (GWOT). But I anticipated that voters would eventually recognize Trump\u2019s inability to deliver on his hyperbolic promises to restore the old mythical ways. But his failure to do so hasn\u2019t dented his appeal to nearly half the electorate, who perceive he speaks for them. Indeed, if anything he has gained support, with an identity-based appeal that taps into something primal, allowing him to ward off the usual political consequences for his many transgressions (including impeachment). If the GWOT encouraged a fear of the non-U.S. \u201cother,\u201d geo-political security threats have been downplayed under \u201cTrumpulism\u201d in favor of more local fear-based appeals around immigration and border walls. Underlying this strategy and built into MAGA was an appeal to preserving the general order of things, among those who feared it being taken away. Thus, the GWOT became turned inward toward the domestic political other. Social justice movements and their wide-spread recent protests were cast as threats to law and order, creating a self-fulfilling prophesy when, following its \u201cprotest paradigm,\u201d delegitimating news coverage served to attract militarized responses from police and right-wing militia groups.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>So, what now is the organizing principle that, as I\u2019ve put it before regarding issue framing, helps to \u201cmeaningfully structure the social world\u201d? Trump has aligned himself with certain policies (e.g., abortion, trade, deregulation), that can be located within conventional political narratives, but more powerfully encompassing is&nbsp;<em>Us against Them<\/em>. The tribe and the leader&nbsp;<em>are<\/em>&nbsp;the principle. Invoking political scientist Robert Entman\u2019s widely-cited framing elements, Us vs. Them makes the very existence of the other side the&nbsp;<em>problem definition<\/em>. In addition, the frame carries an often-explicit&nbsp;<em>moral evaluation<\/em>. (Trump, for example, declared Democratic vice-presidential candidate Kamala Harris a \u201cmonster.\u201d) And it implies a&nbsp;<em>causal interpretation<\/em>, that electoral defeat means the loss of a way of life. The&nbsp;<em>treatment recommendations<\/em>&nbsp;are obvious: not only must the unworthy other side be defeated politically but destroyed (or at least \u201clocked up\u201d).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>That approach may have made Trump\u2019s base impervious to erosion these last few years, but it has come at a great cost to civic health and the machinery of governance, the traditional institutions designed to mediate conflicts over social visions. Such a polarizing and Manichean framework yields an asymmetrical contest, where one side, convinced of an existential threat against it, is willing to cast aside traditional norms (losing means the process was illegitimate, by definition), and encouraged to do so by a self-reinforcing counter-institutional media willing to do the same. Institutions require commitments, trusting that the overall interests of the community will be served, even if those of the tribe are momentarily not. Us vs. Them opposes these commitments.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The pandemic has helped further reveal that schism, with even the simple act of wearing a mask becoming politicized and a visible symbol for the divide. Like institutional commitment, masks reflect concern for others, protecting them against one\u2019s own transmission, but to be effective the entire community must embrace them. No wonder they have become a tribal marker; they don\u2019t fit an Us vs. Them, anti-institutional mentality. Trump has attacked the value of expertise and the press, rendering him and the country ill-equipped to effectively respond to this public health threat, an enemy he couldn\u2019t humiliate or completely deny. And yet his base remained intact, as Trump attempted to declare victory by executive decree: \u201cWe\u2019re rounding the corner.\u201d The tribalist strategy was effective for Trump up to a point, but failed to win over a majority while taking a toll on the national political infrastructure. No matter the electoral outcome there would have been major repair work needed in the years to come.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Prof Stephen D. Reese University of Texas at Austin. Reese is the Jesse H. Jones Professor of Journalismand Media, with a focus on press performance,the sociology of news, media framing of public issues, and the globalization of journalism. Twitter: @sdreese The narrow margin in the 2020 presidential election underscores a now-familiar question: how to explain [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"parent":18,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-271","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v26.3 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>Trump\u2019s tribal appeal: Us vs. Them - Election Analysis - United States<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.electionanalysis.ws\/us\/president2020\/section-3-candidates-and-the-campaign\/trumps-tribal-appeal-us-vs-them\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Trump\u2019s tribal appeal: Us vs. Them - Election Analysis - United States\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Prof Stephen D. 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